每天13:00~17:30
1.推廣部課程
2.日文(一)(二)複習
3.語中日文教材練習
4.日文歌
5.日劇
2009年7月21日
English learning
English learning:
§Daily:5:00~12:00
【Reading】
1.Advanced*1
2.BBC/CNN News overview
3.Chosen News*1
4.Economist article*1
5.Chosen speech/article*1(memorize)
6.GEPT Reading model*1
【Speaking】
1.Summarize all articles in my own words
2.table topic*5 and write them down
3.imitate and shadow DJ's words
4.Conversation(Book)
【Listening】
1.ICRT for 24 hours
S2.MP3-Advanced
S3.TV series/Movie*1
4.News reports
【Writing】
1.News comment*1
2.sentence pratice*1
3.translation*1
4.Diary*1
§Daily:5:00~12:00
【Reading】
1.Advanced*1
2.BBC/CNN News overview
3.Chosen News*1
4.Economist article*1
5.Chosen speech/article*1(memorize)
6.GEPT Reading model*1
【Speaking】
1.Summarize all articles in my own words
2.table topic*5 and write them down
3.imitate and shadow DJ's words
4.Conversation(Book)
【Listening】
1.ICRT for 24 hours
S2.MP3-Advanced
S3.TV series/Movie*1
4.News reports
【Writing】
1.News comment*1
2.sentence pratice*1
3.translation*1
4.Diary*1
2009年7月20日
Weekly Article--A more perfect union
2008/5 Obama delivered a speech about race.
【A more perfect union】-Barak Obama
"We the people, in order to form a more perfect union."
"Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable(不太可能的=impossible) experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots(愛國者) who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny(暴政，專制) and persecution(迫害) finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia(費城) convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.
The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately(最終的) unfinished. It was stained(玷汙) by this nation's original sin(罪惡，過錯) of slavery(奴隸制度), a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate(僵持狀態) until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.
Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded(栽種，深植，使埋入) within our Constitution - a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice(正義，公平，法官，司法), and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.
And yet words on a parchment(羊皮紙) would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage(奴役，束縛), or provide men and women of every color and creed(教義，信條) their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part - through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.
This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign(活動，競選活動，戰役) - to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency(總統職位) at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together - unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction - towards a better future for of children and our grandchildren.
This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.
I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners - an inheritance(繼承) we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces(姪女), nephews(侄子), uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue(顏色), scattered(使消散;使分散;使潰散) across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.
It's a story that hasn't made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared(烙印) into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts - that out of many, we are truly one.
Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary(相反), we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity(團結). Despite the temptation to view my candidacy(候選資格) through a purely racial lens(鏡頭), we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate(同盟) Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition(政黨聯盟) of African Americans and white Americans.
This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators(評論員) have deemed(認為) me either "too black" or "not black enough." We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary(初選). The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization(對立), not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.
And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive(引起不合的，區分的) turn.
On one end of the spectrum(光譜，範圍), we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative(肯定的) action; that it's based solely(痛苦的) on the desire of wide-eyed liberals(自由派) to purchase racial reconciliation(調停，和解) on the cheap(便宜地). On the other end, we've heard my former pastor(牧師), Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary(煽動的) language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate(詆毀) both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.
I have already condemned, in unequivocal(不含糊的，明確的) terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging(困擾) questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally(偶爾地) fierce(兇猛的) critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely - just as I'm sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.
But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren't simply controversial. They weren't simply a religious leader's effort to speak out against perceived(察覺，意識到) injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly(深深地，極度地) distorted(扭曲的) view of this country - a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating(散發，發射) from the perverse(邪惡的，倔強的) and hateful ideologies(意識形態) of radical Islam.
As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems - two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.
Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way.
But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God's work here on Earth - by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.
In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:
"People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single note - hope! - I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones. Those stories - of survival, and freedom, and hope - became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherish - and with which we could start to rebuild."
That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety - the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.
And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions - the good and the bad - of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother - a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America - to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked through - a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, "The past isn't dead and buried. In fact, it isn't even past." We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven't fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today's black and white students.Legalized discrimination - where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments - meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today's urban and rural communities.A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one's family, contributed to the erosion of black families - a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods - parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement - all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make it - those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations - those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience - as far as they're concerned, no one's handed them anything, they've built it from scratch. They've worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they're told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren't always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze - a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns - this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.This is where we are right now. It's a racial stalemate we've been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy - particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.But I have asserted a firm conviction - a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people - that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice is we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances - for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs - to the larger aspirations of all Americans -- the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives - by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.Ironically, this quintessentially American - and yes, conservative - notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright's sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.The profound mistake of Reverend Wright's sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It's that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country - a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old -- is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know -- what we have seen - is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope - the audacity to hope - for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination - and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past - are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds - by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world's great religions demand - that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother's keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister's keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle - as we did in the OJ trial - or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina - or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.We can do that.But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, "Not this time." This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn; that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job; it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation - the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.There is one story in particularly that I'd like to leave you with today - a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn't. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he's there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, "I am here because of Ashley.""I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.
2009年6月22日
Final report-South Korea
South Korea
There are so many affairs in South Korea, and these things have a great influence on their national development. So I choose this country to be the topic of my final report.
1. Politics
The government of South Korea is divided into three branches: executive, judicial, and legislative. The executive and legislative branches operate primarily at the national level, although various ministries in the executive branch also carry out local functions. Local governments are semi-autonomous, and contain executive and legislative bodies of their own. The judicial branch operates at both the national and local levels.
The South Korean government's structure is determined by the Constitution of the Republic of Korea. This document has been revised several times since its first promulgation in 1948 . However, it has retained many broad characteristics; with the exception of the short-lived Second Republic of South Korea, the country has always had a presidential system with a relatively independent chief executive.
As with most stable three-branch systems, a careful system of checks and balances is in place. For instance, the judges of the Constitutional Court are partially appointed by the executive, and partially by the legislature. Likewise, when a resolution of impeachment is passed by the legislature, it is sent to the judiciary for a final decision.
(my analysis) According to the structure of this system, I can obviously see that this kind of structure really illustrate the spirit of a democracy country. For the reason that the power has been divided into three different branches, no on can really decide an important thing by his or her self and this kind of system also monitors the leader. If one immediate policy has to be realized in a short of time, this system might be kind of slow. In general, this system successfully distributes the power to three branches so each of one can monitor each other and create better policy for their people.
2. Economics
South Korea is a major international economic power; it has the twelfth largest economy in the world (eleventh largest by purchasing power parity) and the third largest in Asia, behind only Japan and China (fourth behind China, Japan, and India by purchasing power parity). Its largest trading partner and export market today is China. As one of the Four Asian Tigers, it achieved rapid economic growth through exports of manufactured goods. In the 1950s, South Korea was one of the poorest countries in Asia. At the end of World War II, the country inherited a colonial economic system designed solely for Japan's needs. Much of the country's infrastructure was destroyed during the Korean War that followed in 1950-1953. After the war, South Korea became heavily dependent on U.S. aid.Following the military coup led by General Park Chung-hee in 1962, South Korea embarked on a series of ambitious five-year plans for economic development. Emphasis shifted to foreign trade with the normalization of relations with Japan in 1965 and a resulted in a boom in trade and investment. Rapid expansion, first into light and then heavy industries, followed in the 1960s and 1970s. During this period, the South Korean economy grew at an average annual rate of 8.6%.
This phenomenal growth is often called the "Miracle on the Han River", the Han River being the main river that runs through the nation's capital and largest city, Seoul. In the 1980s and 1990's, growth continued as South Korea transformed itself from an exporter of mostly textiles and shoes into a major global producer of automobiles, electronics, shipbuilding, steel and, later, high-technology products such as digital monitors, mobile phones, and semiconductors.
The South Korean model of encouraging the growth of large, internationally competitive companies through easy financing and tax incentives led to the dominance of the family-controlled conglomerates. These companies, known as chaebol, flourished under the support of the Park regime. Some such as Hyundai, Samsung, LG and SK Company became global corporations. In 2004, South Korea joined in the trillion dollar club of world economies.
Since the Asian financial crisis of 1997, however, the corporate landscape has changed considerably as a result of massive bankruptcies and government reforms. The crisis exposed longstanding weaknesses in South Korea's economy, including high debt-to-equity ratios, massive foreign borrowing, and an undisciplined financial sector. This led to two rounds of financial and industrial restructuring; once in 1997 and again following the collapse of Daewoo in 1999. Daewoo's collapse has been recorded as one of the largest bankruptcies in world history. By 2003, just over one-half of the 30 largest chaebol from 1995 remained.
Between 2003 and 2005, economic growth has slowed to about 4% per year, an enviable figure in much of the rest of the world. A downturn in consumer spending, attributed to massive personal credit card debt, was offset by rapid export growth, primarily to China. In 2005, the government proposed labor reform legislation and a corporate pension scheme to help make the labor market more flexible, and new real estate policies to cool property speculation. In 2006, South Korean economy has recovered its growth rate to 5.1%, and its outlook for 2007 is foretold positively.
The South Korean economy is characterized by moderate inflation, low unemployment, an export surplus, and fairly equal distribution of income. South Korea continues to strive to maintain global competitiveness. South Korea has been opened to various employment opportunities in various industries. An example would be the influx of English teachers from native English-speaking countries seeking employment and travel in the country.
(my analysis) From the information above, I can see that the economy of South Korea was badly influenced by the Korean War happened in 1950~1953. Due to this fact and under the colonization of Japan, South Korea’s economy is a mess. Not until the normalization of the relationship with Japan can South Korea really revive its economy. Then we can also see that their economy mainly has been lead by big enterprises. Some of the very famous worldwide brand can fully illustrate this idea. Its information technology is always one of the best in the world. All in all, the domestic economy is pretty strong and the development of the technology is in advance. Speaking of the trades with other countries, there may result another issue. Though the FTA with America has been signed on April fourth, 2007, recently America asks more freedom from the trade barriers including the beef problem and this is the issue which I am interested and yearning to follow and get the first piece of news.
3. The issue of signing the FTA with America
Top Countries From Which South Korea Imports (2006)
South Korea imported some US$309 billion worth of commodities in 2006. Korean imports are principally electronics and electronic equipment, machinery, oil, organic chemicals, plastics and steel.
Japan ... US$57 billion (18.5% of total South Korean imports)
China ... $46 billion (14.8%)
United States ... $37 billion (11.8%)
Saudi Arabia ... $19 billion (6.2%)
(From America’s Point of View)
America's trade deficit with South Korea is about $11 billion, a statistic that the U.S. hopes to reduce through a 20% increase in exports under the new free trade treaty.
The KFTA is Washington's biggest free trade deal since the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was signed in 1993. The treaty is expected to eliminate duties on more than 90% of U.S. exports to South Korea within three years.
(From South Korea’s Point of View)
For Seoul, the agreement will improve South Korea's economic freedom by locking in additional economic reforms. It may also give a boost to South Korea's credit ratings and give the country a competitive advantage over regional rivals China and Japan.
American & Korean Trade Issues
Critics say that U.S. Congress will not pass the KFTA without substantial changes. For example, the Automotive Trade Policy Council, a lobby group for the North American automotive industry, objects that the deal does not eliminate South Korea's 8% duty on new vehicles.
And, although the KFTA eliminates South Korea's 40% tariffs on American beef, Seoul continues to restrict U.S. beef imports since the "mad cow disease" scare in late 2003. Technically, South Korea has opened its markets to import U.S. boneless beef from cattle less than 30-months old. Recently, however, Korean inspectors rejected three large shipments of U.S. beef because they contained small bone fragments. The U.S. cattle industry demands that the KFTA be amended to allow the U.S. to ship both boneless and bone-in beef to South Korea regardless of the cattle's age.
Strong & Dynamic Trade Partnership
Both the U.S. and South Korea are committed to open trade relationships. America leads the world with some US$30 billion directly invested in South Korea and over 3,000 U.S. companies operating there.
For its part, South Korea continues to demonstrate progress in removing barriers to U.S. exports. For example, Seoul has announced a reduction in quotas that require Korean cinemas to show domestic movies for a minimum period. This expands U.S. filmmakers' access to Korean moviegoers.
Free trade with South Korea positions America as an alternative to China's growing economic influence in Northeast Asia. A Korean Free Trade treaty will also bear witness to America's resolve in overcoming trade barriers, thus providing a case study that may inspire the World Trade Organization to enact similar strategic solutions.
My Analysis of This Issue
According to what I see about this issue, I really think this trade both benefits South Korea and America. I want to use the knowledge of the negotiation to define, explain, and also share my points of view. This treaty is just like an expansion of the pie so we can say it’s an integrative bargaining. Integrative bargaining (also called "interest-based bargaining," "win-win bargaining") is a negotiation strategy in which parties collaborate to find a "win-win" solution to their dispute. This strategy focuses on developing mutually beneficial agreements based on the interests of the disputants. "Integrative refers to the potential for the parties' interests to be [combined] in ways that create joint value. Potential for integration only exists when there are multiple issues involved in the negotiation. This is because the parties must be able to make trade-offs across issues in order for both sides to be satisfied with the outcome. On the surface there might be only one issue and that is signing the treaty with America. However, there are a lot of smaller issues in the treaty and it’s just that many small issues are packed in this big bag. It’s good that it might save a lot of time when we have to discuss so many issues each time. It’s not only time consuming but also money consuming. On the other hand, there are still some drawbacks. For example, one country might degree several small issues in this big issue but this country doesn’t satisfy with all of the issues. Then, the probability of making this issue realized could be a problem. In my point of view, I think it’s a good thing that America and South Korea successfully reach a consensus and sign the treaty in 2007.
However, now there are some problems occurred. I want to focus on the beef issue. From the South Korea, they assert that the cow that imported by America might not be safe because of the mad cow disease. Besides, they don’t appreciate that the America broke the promise and imported the bone-in beef. According the treaty, only boneless beef can be imported. Now America wants the Korea to import both of these beef. In my point of view, America is the country which holds bigger power and they know that South Korea highly relies on them. To see this problem from an objective perspective, I can say that America is not really in the justice side this time because it is them who break the promise. Anyway, we still have to face the truth that they are more powerful than us. If South Korea has to agree this issue, I would suggest that they can offer some proposals as a condition to trade or America has to give the promise that if they import the mad cow disease, there should be some compensation. I am wondering what would really happen afterwards so I will keep track on this issue.
4. Reflections on Taiwan from South Korea
Both South Korea and Taiwan are major trading countries, and they are each other’s fifth largest trading partner. Taiwan and South Korea have been competitors in the business world, but they can also collaborate. Due to the fact that China is a huge market and that is really attractive for South Korea. Huge market represents numerous business opportunities and great profit. Since Taiwan and China remain the conflict about sovereignty problem. This kind of problem is hard to negotiate and to be more specific I think it’s about the value. Value is something which is nonnegotiable. For the relationship between a country and a country, it’s always about the interest. As an old saying goes, no one is really your enemy and no one is really your friend. The relationship is based on the profit. Without the profit, everything goes wrong. Though holding this kind of attitude might be a little bit pessimistic but that is the world and that is the truth and also how it goes.
5. My Reflection on This Report
After doing this report and taking the course for this whole semester I want to share my findings. I find out that Taiwan is experiencing several economic and political problems. We can analyze this problem from two different perspectives. If we see Taiwan’s economy from the global perspective, the challenges result from the objection of China; if we look at it from a domestic perspective, the challenges result from the high unemployment rate.
To see Taiwan’s economic challenge from the global perspective, I am not going to blame the western credit crisis. For Taiwan’s economic challenges, I am going to emphasize the cross-Strait confrontation. Because of the uncertainty in the transformation of the Chinese economy, Taiwan grew wary of its reliance on the Chinese market and production resources. Due to Chinese political objection, Taiwan could not participate in the East Asian economic integration. This kind of exclusion hindered Taiwan’s ability to utilize the effects of scale economies, growth opportunities, and integration of regional resources brought by the regime. As a result, Taiwan lost the opportunity to develop and integrate the available resources in the region.
Then let’s see the economic challenge from the domestic perspective. We can easily know that the unemployment rate is getting higher and higher. Hundreds pieces of news are filled with the job loss and how the job applicants outnumbered the required employees. People who don’t have two or even more professional skills are in a great probability to lose the job. Under the circumstances of job loss, people would tend to choose not to be consumers but to be money savers. As a result, bad economic circulation kept going. All kinds of stores’ earning shrink and then those storekeepers and its employees turned to be savers but not consumers. As a result, the GDP gets lower, the stock price slumps, and the consumer sentiment crashes. Undoubtedly, Taiwan’s economy is a mess.
Knowing the problem is always a good start, but it is even more important to take the second step- find the solutions. Though it seems impossible that we students can make a difference between the relationship of Taiwan and China, I believe we can have the right conception. Facing the economic problems, we should put aside the prejudice and find the common interest. Chen-yuan Tung, who is an associate professor in National Chengchi University, conducted a research on 1,019 Taiwanese enterprises and foreign firms. The finding shows that if Taiwan joins the East Asian economic integration regime, Taiwanese enterprises will increase the investment in Taiwan by net 21.6 percent; Taiwan listed companies will increase their investment in Taiwan by net 19.0 percent; foreign firms in Taiwan will increase their investment in Taiwan by net 35.2 percent; global investment institutions will increase their investment in Taiwan by net 92.9 percent. By signing a treaty with China in carrying out economic integration, Taiwan will gain leverages on global economic competition and facilitate globalization of Taiwan’s economic development.
Speaking of the unemployment, we should feel lucky that we are still students so that we have a chance to enhance our professional skills. It is clear that if we want to lower the unemployment rate, the conception of learning must change. Due to the fact that we used to think we learn something because we have to, our motivation of learning is weak. We became realistic so we chose to learn only the thing we thought is useful. Then when the economic environment changed or the trend of the technology changed, we finally felt panic and regret that we did not grab the chance to learn the second profession. According to the speech of Apple’s CEO, Steve Jobs, we should always stay foolish and stay hungry. Not only should we follow our heart of learning, but we should believe that the dots would connect to each other. In short, we should not choose to learn only the thing we like; instead, when it comes to the chance of learning we stay hungry and stay foolish.
People would say it is hard to see a promising future of Taiwan’s economy. I say we still have a chance to build a miracle of Taiwan’s economy. We have to neglect the political prejudice of China and embrace the common interest so that we can join the East Asian economic integration regime to strengthen our economy. We should change our attitude of learning and give ourselves a chance to learn more so that when the economy is in a mess, we still have several professional skills to keep our job and the unemployment rate would be lower. I am so glad to say it again that I have a chance to join this class and have the gain a lot of valuable the methods to see and analyze events. Facing the dilemma on Taiwan’s situation, I hope one day in the future I can contribute something for our country.
There are so many affairs in South Korea, and these things have a great influence on their national development. So I choose this country to be the topic of my final report.
1. Politics
The government of South Korea is divided into three branches: executive, judicial, and legislative. The executive and legislative branches operate primarily at the national level, although various ministries in the executive branch also carry out local functions. Local governments are semi-autonomous, and contain executive and legislative bodies of their own. The judicial branch operates at both the national and local levels.
The South Korean government's structure is determined by the Constitution of the Republic of Korea. This document has been revised several times since its first promulgation in 1948 . However, it has retained many broad characteristics; with the exception of the short-lived Second Republic of South Korea, the country has always had a presidential system with a relatively independent chief executive.
As with most stable three-branch systems, a careful system of checks and balances is in place. For instance, the judges of the Constitutional Court are partially appointed by the executive, and partially by the legislature. Likewise, when a resolution of impeachment is passed by the legislature, it is sent to the judiciary for a final decision.
(my analysis) According to the structure of this system, I can obviously see that this kind of structure really illustrate the spirit of a democracy country. For the reason that the power has been divided into three different branches, no on can really decide an important thing by his or her self and this kind of system also monitors the leader. If one immediate policy has to be realized in a short of time, this system might be kind of slow. In general, this system successfully distributes the power to three branches so each of one can monitor each other and create better policy for their people.
2. Economics
South Korea is a major international economic power; it has the twelfth largest economy in the world (eleventh largest by purchasing power parity) and the third largest in Asia, behind only Japan and China (fourth behind China, Japan, and India by purchasing power parity). Its largest trading partner and export market today is China. As one of the Four Asian Tigers, it achieved rapid economic growth through exports of manufactured goods. In the 1950s, South Korea was one of the poorest countries in Asia. At the end of World War II, the country inherited a colonial economic system designed solely for Japan's needs. Much of the country's infrastructure was destroyed during the Korean War that followed in 1950-1953. After the war, South Korea became heavily dependent on U.S. aid.Following the military coup led by General Park Chung-hee in 1962, South Korea embarked on a series of ambitious five-year plans for economic development. Emphasis shifted to foreign trade with the normalization of relations with Japan in 1965 and a resulted in a boom in trade and investment. Rapid expansion, first into light and then heavy industries, followed in the 1960s and 1970s. During this period, the South Korean economy grew at an average annual rate of 8.6%.
This phenomenal growth is often called the "Miracle on the Han River", the Han River being the main river that runs through the nation's capital and largest city, Seoul. In the 1980s and 1990's, growth continued as South Korea transformed itself from an exporter of mostly textiles and shoes into a major global producer of automobiles, electronics, shipbuilding, steel and, later, high-technology products such as digital monitors, mobile phones, and semiconductors.
The South Korean model of encouraging the growth of large, internationally competitive companies through easy financing and tax incentives led to the dominance of the family-controlled conglomerates. These companies, known as chaebol, flourished under the support of the Park regime. Some such as Hyundai, Samsung, LG and SK Company became global corporations. In 2004, South Korea joined in the trillion dollar club of world economies.
Since the Asian financial crisis of 1997, however, the corporate landscape has changed considerably as a result of massive bankruptcies and government reforms. The crisis exposed longstanding weaknesses in South Korea's economy, including high debt-to-equity ratios, massive foreign borrowing, and an undisciplined financial sector. This led to two rounds of financial and industrial restructuring; once in 1997 and again following the collapse of Daewoo in 1999. Daewoo's collapse has been recorded as one of the largest bankruptcies in world history. By 2003, just over one-half of the 30 largest chaebol from 1995 remained.
Between 2003 and 2005, economic growth has slowed to about 4% per year, an enviable figure in much of the rest of the world. A downturn in consumer spending, attributed to massive personal credit card debt, was offset by rapid export growth, primarily to China. In 2005, the government proposed labor reform legislation and a corporate pension scheme to help make the labor market more flexible, and new real estate policies to cool property speculation. In 2006, South Korean economy has recovered its growth rate to 5.1%, and its outlook for 2007 is foretold positively.
The South Korean economy is characterized by moderate inflation, low unemployment, an export surplus, and fairly equal distribution of income. South Korea continues to strive to maintain global competitiveness. South Korea has been opened to various employment opportunities in various industries. An example would be the influx of English teachers from native English-speaking countries seeking employment and travel in the country.
(my analysis) From the information above, I can see that the economy of South Korea was badly influenced by the Korean War happened in 1950~1953. Due to this fact and under the colonization of Japan, South Korea’s economy is a mess. Not until the normalization of the relationship with Japan can South Korea really revive its economy. Then we can also see that their economy mainly has been lead by big enterprises. Some of the very famous worldwide brand can fully illustrate this idea. Its information technology is always one of the best in the world. All in all, the domestic economy is pretty strong and the development of the technology is in advance. Speaking of the trades with other countries, there may result another issue. Though the FTA with America has been signed on April fourth, 2007, recently America asks more freedom from the trade barriers including the beef problem and this is the issue which I am interested and yearning to follow and get the first piece of news.
3. The issue of signing the FTA with America
Top Countries From Which South Korea Imports (2006)
South Korea imported some US$309 billion worth of commodities in 2006. Korean imports are principally electronics and electronic equipment, machinery, oil, organic chemicals, plastics and steel.
Japan ... US$57 billion (18.5% of total South Korean imports)
China ... $46 billion (14.8%)
United States ... $37 billion (11.8%)
Saudi Arabia ... $19 billion (6.2%)
(From America’s Point of View)
America's trade deficit with South Korea is about $11 billion, a statistic that the U.S. hopes to reduce through a 20% increase in exports under the new free trade treaty.
The KFTA is Washington's biggest free trade deal since the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was signed in 1993. The treaty is expected to eliminate duties on more than 90% of U.S. exports to South Korea within three years.
(From South Korea’s Point of View)
For Seoul, the agreement will improve South Korea's economic freedom by locking in additional economic reforms. It may also give a boost to South Korea's credit ratings and give the country a competitive advantage over regional rivals China and Japan.
American & Korean Trade Issues
Critics say that U.S. Congress will not pass the KFTA without substantial changes. For example, the Automotive Trade Policy Council, a lobby group for the North American automotive industry, objects that the deal does not eliminate South Korea's 8% duty on new vehicles.
And, although the KFTA eliminates South Korea's 40% tariffs on American beef, Seoul continues to restrict U.S. beef imports since the "mad cow disease" scare in late 2003. Technically, South Korea has opened its markets to import U.S. boneless beef from cattle less than 30-months old. Recently, however, Korean inspectors rejected three large shipments of U.S. beef because they contained small bone fragments. The U.S. cattle industry demands that the KFTA be amended to allow the U.S. to ship both boneless and bone-in beef to South Korea regardless of the cattle's age.
Strong & Dynamic Trade Partnership
Both the U.S. and South Korea are committed to open trade relationships. America leads the world with some US$30 billion directly invested in South Korea and over 3,000 U.S. companies operating there.
For its part, South Korea continues to demonstrate progress in removing barriers to U.S. exports. For example, Seoul has announced a reduction in quotas that require Korean cinemas to show domestic movies for a minimum period. This expands U.S. filmmakers' access to Korean moviegoers.
Free trade with South Korea positions America as an alternative to China's growing economic influence in Northeast Asia. A Korean Free Trade treaty will also bear witness to America's resolve in overcoming trade barriers, thus providing a case study that may inspire the World Trade Organization to enact similar strategic solutions.
My Analysis of This Issue
According to what I see about this issue, I really think this trade both benefits South Korea and America. I want to use the knowledge of the negotiation to define, explain, and also share my points of view. This treaty is just like an expansion of the pie so we can say it’s an integrative bargaining. Integrative bargaining (also called "interest-based bargaining," "win-win bargaining") is a negotiation strategy in which parties collaborate to find a "win-win" solution to their dispute. This strategy focuses on developing mutually beneficial agreements based on the interests of the disputants. "Integrative refers to the potential for the parties' interests to be [combined] in ways that create joint value. Potential for integration only exists when there are multiple issues involved in the negotiation. This is because the parties must be able to make trade-offs across issues in order for both sides to be satisfied with the outcome. On the surface there might be only one issue and that is signing the treaty with America. However, there are a lot of smaller issues in the treaty and it’s just that many small issues are packed in this big bag. It’s good that it might save a lot of time when we have to discuss so many issues each time. It’s not only time consuming but also money consuming. On the other hand, there are still some drawbacks. For example, one country might degree several small issues in this big issue but this country doesn’t satisfy with all of the issues. Then, the probability of making this issue realized could be a problem. In my point of view, I think it’s a good thing that America and South Korea successfully reach a consensus and sign the treaty in 2007.
However, now there are some problems occurred. I want to focus on the beef issue. From the South Korea, they assert that the cow that imported by America might not be safe because of the mad cow disease. Besides, they don’t appreciate that the America broke the promise and imported the bone-in beef. According the treaty, only boneless beef can be imported. Now America wants the Korea to import both of these beef. In my point of view, America is the country which holds bigger power and they know that South Korea highly relies on them. To see this problem from an objective perspective, I can say that America is not really in the justice side this time because it is them who break the promise. Anyway, we still have to face the truth that they are more powerful than us. If South Korea has to agree this issue, I would suggest that they can offer some proposals as a condition to trade or America has to give the promise that if they import the mad cow disease, there should be some compensation. I am wondering what would really happen afterwards so I will keep track on this issue.
4. Reflections on Taiwan from South Korea
Both South Korea and Taiwan are major trading countries, and they are each other’s fifth largest trading partner. Taiwan and South Korea have been competitors in the business world, but they can also collaborate. Due to the fact that China is a huge market and that is really attractive for South Korea. Huge market represents numerous business opportunities and great profit. Since Taiwan and China remain the conflict about sovereignty problem. This kind of problem is hard to negotiate and to be more specific I think it’s about the value. Value is something which is nonnegotiable. For the relationship between a country and a country, it’s always about the interest. As an old saying goes, no one is really your enemy and no one is really your friend. The relationship is based on the profit. Without the profit, everything goes wrong. Though holding this kind of attitude might be a little bit pessimistic but that is the world and that is the truth and also how it goes.
5. My Reflection on This Report
After doing this report and taking the course for this whole semester I want to share my findings. I find out that Taiwan is experiencing several economic and political problems. We can analyze this problem from two different perspectives. If we see Taiwan’s economy from the global perspective, the challenges result from the objection of China; if we look at it from a domestic perspective, the challenges result from the high unemployment rate.
To see Taiwan’s economic challenge from the global perspective, I am not going to blame the western credit crisis. For Taiwan’s economic challenges, I am going to emphasize the cross-Strait confrontation. Because of the uncertainty in the transformation of the Chinese economy, Taiwan grew wary of its reliance on the Chinese market and production resources. Due to Chinese political objection, Taiwan could not participate in the East Asian economic integration. This kind of exclusion hindered Taiwan’s ability to utilize the effects of scale economies, growth opportunities, and integration of regional resources brought by the regime. As a result, Taiwan lost the opportunity to develop and integrate the available resources in the region.
Then let’s see the economic challenge from the domestic perspective. We can easily know that the unemployment rate is getting higher and higher. Hundreds pieces of news are filled with the job loss and how the job applicants outnumbered the required employees. People who don’t have two or even more professional skills are in a great probability to lose the job. Under the circumstances of job loss, people would tend to choose not to be consumers but to be money savers. As a result, bad economic circulation kept going. All kinds of stores’ earning shrink and then those storekeepers and its employees turned to be savers but not consumers. As a result, the GDP gets lower, the stock price slumps, and the consumer sentiment crashes. Undoubtedly, Taiwan’s economy is a mess.
Knowing the problem is always a good start, but it is even more important to take the second step- find the solutions. Though it seems impossible that we students can make a difference between the relationship of Taiwan and China, I believe we can have the right conception. Facing the economic problems, we should put aside the prejudice and find the common interest. Chen-yuan Tung, who is an associate professor in National Chengchi University, conducted a research on 1,019 Taiwanese enterprises and foreign firms. The finding shows that if Taiwan joins the East Asian economic integration regime, Taiwanese enterprises will increase the investment in Taiwan by net 21.6 percent; Taiwan listed companies will increase their investment in Taiwan by net 19.0 percent; foreign firms in Taiwan will increase their investment in Taiwan by net 35.2 percent; global investment institutions will increase their investment in Taiwan by net 92.9 percent. By signing a treaty with China in carrying out economic integration, Taiwan will gain leverages on global economic competition and facilitate globalization of Taiwan’s economic development.
Speaking of the unemployment, we should feel lucky that we are still students so that we have a chance to enhance our professional skills. It is clear that if we want to lower the unemployment rate, the conception of learning must change. Due to the fact that we used to think we learn something because we have to, our motivation of learning is weak. We became realistic so we chose to learn only the thing we thought is useful. Then when the economic environment changed or the trend of the technology changed, we finally felt panic and regret that we did not grab the chance to learn the second profession. According to the speech of Apple’s CEO, Steve Jobs, we should always stay foolish and stay hungry. Not only should we follow our heart of learning, but we should believe that the dots would connect to each other. In short, we should not choose to learn only the thing we like; instead, when it comes to the chance of learning we stay hungry and stay foolish.
People would say it is hard to see a promising future of Taiwan’s economy. I say we still have a chance to build a miracle of Taiwan’s economy. We have to neglect the political prejudice of China and embrace the common interest so that we can join the East Asian economic integration regime to strengthen our economy. We should change our attitude of learning and give ourselves a chance to learn more so that when the economy is in a mess, we still have several professional skills to keep our job and the unemployment rate would be lower. I am so glad to say it again that I have a chance to join this class and have the gain a lot of valuable the methods to see and analyze events. Facing the dilemma on Taiwan’s situation, I hope one day in the future I can contribute something for our country.
2009年6月8日
Mercy plea for held US reporters
The families of two US journalists held in North Korea have pleaded with the authorities there to set the pair free.
In a statement, relatives of Euna Lee and Laura Ling said reports that the women had been sentenced to 12 years in a labour camp were "devastating".
They were convicted of entering the North illegally while filming at the Chinese border in March.
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said the government was "pursuing every possible approach" to free the women.
Their trial was held amid growing tensions over North Korea's nuclear programme, but Mrs Clinton stressed that the two issues were "entirely separate".
'Show compassion'
The families of Ms Ling and Ms Lee said they were worried about the "mental state and wellbeing" of the two women.
In a joint statement, the families said: "We ask the government of North Korea to show compassion and grant Laura and Euna clemency and allow them to return home to their families.
"We remain hopeful that the governments of the United States and North Korea can come to an agreement that will result in the release of the girls."
The statement said Ms Ling suffered from an ulcer and that Ms Lee had a four-year-old daughter who was "displaying signs of anguish".
"We believe that the three months they have already spent under arrest with little communication with their families is long enough," the statement said.
After a short trial, the North's official news agency KCNA said on Monday that the women had committed a "grave crime" and would be sentenced to 12 years of "reform through labour".
The pair were arrested by North Korean guards on 17 March while working on the China-North Korea border on a story about refugees for California-based internet broadcaster Current TV.
Some reports have suggested that the women did not stray over the border but were seized by North Korean border guards who crossed into Chinese territory.
The pair have been held in detention since their arrest.
Tensions have increased in the region since North Korea conducted a nuclear test in May and then test-fired several missiles.
Another long-range missile test is believed to be planned for later this month.
The UN Security Council is discussing tightening sanctions against Pyongyang, and Mrs Clinton said on Sunday that the US was considering reinstating North Korea in its list of state sponsors of terrorism.
Analysts believe the North may try to use the women as a bargaining chip in negotiations over their nuclear programme.
In a statement, relatives of Euna Lee and Laura Ling said reports that the women had been sentenced to 12 years in a labour camp were "devastating".
They were convicted of entering the North illegally while filming at the Chinese border in March.
US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said the government was "pursuing every possible approach" to free the women.
Their trial was held amid growing tensions over North Korea's nuclear programme, but Mrs Clinton stressed that the two issues were "entirely separate".
'Show compassion'
The families of Ms Ling and Ms Lee said they were worried about the "mental state and wellbeing" of the two women.
In a joint statement, the families said: "We ask the government of North Korea to show compassion and grant Laura and Euna clemency and allow them to return home to their families.
"We remain hopeful that the governments of the United States and North Korea can come to an agreement that will result in the release of the girls."
The statement said Ms Ling suffered from an ulcer and that Ms Lee had a four-year-old daughter who was "displaying signs of anguish".
"We believe that the three months they have already spent under arrest with little communication with their families is long enough," the statement said.
After a short trial, the North's official news agency KCNA said on Monday that the women had committed a "grave crime" and would be sentenced to 12 years of "reform through labour".
The pair were arrested by North Korean guards on 17 March while working on the China-North Korea border on a story about refugees for California-based internet broadcaster Current TV.
Some reports have suggested that the women did not stray over the border but were seized by North Korean border guards who crossed into Chinese territory.
The pair have been held in detention since their arrest.
Tensions have increased in the region since North Korea conducted a nuclear test in May and then test-fired several missiles.
Another long-range missile test is believed to be planned for later this month.
The UN Security Council is discussing tightening sanctions against Pyongyang, and Mrs Clinton said on Sunday that the US was considering reinstating North Korea in its list of state sponsors of terrorism.
Analysts believe the North may try to use the women as a bargaining chip in negotiations over their nuclear programme.
2009年6月2日
Quote of the week
Our stand on the issue is consistent. We are resolutely opposed to nuclear proliferation
-Ma XiaotianPeople's Liberation Army, China
-Ma XiaotianPeople's Liberation Army, China
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